David Limbaugh

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David Limbaugh is a writer, author and attorney.

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I constantly hear that only Donald Trump supporters can understand the Trump phenomenon, as if it were inaccessible to nonbelievers, like the secret knowledge of ancient Gnostics. But I don't believe it's a matter of comprehension. 



Six months ago, I warned that Donald Trump's strengths could also be the weaknesses that would destroy his campaign. I think we're beginning to see that play out now.

Trump has repeatedly said he is a counterpuncher -- that he won't initiate attacks against his rivals but if they were to hit him first he would hit back much harder. 



I really worry that the Trump movement is a misguided reaction to the abuses of power by the ruling class in Washington, D.C. In our dire predicament, we need to be very thoughtful about our remedy.



Conservatives and other Obama critics are entitled to a big "I told you so," after Obama's stunning admission that he doesn't believe there's that much difference between communism and capitalism. 



It is time to address the canard that endorsements for Sen. Ted Cruz from establishment Republicans damage his credibility as an outsider. It is opportunistic and lazy thinking.



This short essay is in response to a friend who asked me to explain how Donald Trump is unacceptable to "movement conservatives."



When I read this morning that Marco Rubio had said that Ted Cruz is the only conservative left in the Republican presidential primary race, it reinforced my decision to write Rubio an open letter urging his endorsement of Sen. Cruz.



It is disheartening that the Wall Street Journal editorial board, for whom I had such respect for years, is discouraging a narrowing of the GOP field if either John Kasich or Marco Rubio wins his home state Tuesday.

It's bad enough for the editors to encourage Rubio to stay in if he wins Florida, but to invite Kasich to stay in is just madness.



Just what is the Trump movement all about? I've tried to get to the bottom of it by conversing with various Donald Trump supporters on Twitter.



As a Reagan conservative this is a particularly difficult primary season. We finally have what many of us consider a near-perfect candidate on the issues at a perfect time in our history, but obstacles persist.



I don't believe I've ever presumed to offer unsolicited advice on campaign strategy to a presidential candidate, especially in a public forum, but I've decided to make an exception today.

I am an unabashed Ted Cruz supporter and believe he is a man of character, integrity and strong principles who is as close to the ideal antidote for what ails America as we're likely to see. But since the Iowa primary I've been worried. After talking to many of those who have Ted's best interests in mind, in real life and on Twitter and Facebook, I think I have a handle on what the major concerns are, and I think the campaign must address them.



As a supporter of Ted Cruz I have had many supporters of other candidates tell me that he would not be electable in the general election. I disagree.



If you read The New York Times "conservative" columnist David Brooks, you might better grasp the chasm between true and phony conservatives, between Reagan conservatives and establishment Republicans.



Can you imagine what Cruz could get done if he were elected with a mandate to implement conservative ideas — the only antidote to the destructive path Obama has set us on? We've seen what we get with conservative lite, and it doesn't work.



Some time ago I said that many establishment Republicans dislike Ted Cruz so much that they would even back their nemesis, Donald Trump, if necessary to keep Cruz from winning. This is one time I wish I had been wrong.



Remember when universities used to encourage freedom of academic inquiry and were seen as intellectual and social preparation for the transition into adulthood? I know; that was a long time ago — before the left infected these institutions.



In their State of the Union speeches, all previous presidents presented their policies in the most favorable light, but did they go so far as to distort reality? Did they use them to trash their opponents? I don't think so. But in his last one, Obama did, and adding insult to injury, as always, he pointedly decried partisan sniping right before launching into another episode of partisan sniping. It's as though he doesn't even realize he's being hypocritical on steroids.



I have long marveled at liberals' air of superiority and lack of self-reflection, which have always been particularly evident among liberal media elites and journalists. They tend to view themselves as sacrosanct and above scrutiny.

Perhaps this attitude sprang from the British and, later, American tradition that the press is the Fourth Estate. It doesn't just serve to inform the people and make them better contributors to the democratic process. It is the virtual fourth branch of government, operating as a watchdog on the formal branches to further check their potential abuses of power.



Hillary Clinton has now learned what some of Donald Trump's GOP rivals have discovered about him: You won't attack him with impunity, and you'd better not be vulnerable on the very same issue.

Trump used colorful language to describe Barack Obama's trouncing of Clinton in 2008 and also disparagingly referred to her prolonged bathroom break during the most recent Democratic presidential debate.



As the Christmas season approaches, I want to explain why I am so enthusiastic about the subject matter I've written about in my new book, The Emmaus Code: Finding Jesus in the Old Testament.